The Canadian Defense Policy essays

The Canadian Defense Policy essays ?The search for stable foundations of policy in the face of drastic and revolutionary change poses a problem of almost excruciating difficulty for all nations... - Dr. R. J. Sutherland, Canadas Long Term Strategic Situation In his 1962 essay, Canadas Long Term Strategic Situation, Dr. R. J. Sutherland took the unusually bold step of predicting the stable foundations of Canadian defense policy for the next four decades, even though he was writing at the height of Cold War tensions and amid revolutionary developments in nuclear weapons technology.1 An economist, cavalry officer and operational analyst with experience of World War Two and the Korean conflict, much of Sutherlands work for the Department of Defense remains classified and although his career was cut short by his untimely death in 1967, aged only 45, he is considered by many to have been Canadas preeminent strategist of the 1950's and 1960's.2 Sutherland was working for Canadas Defense Research Board when his seminal essay on Canadian security was published in the International Journal. Despite the dramatic global changes since Hitlers War, Sutherland argued that the very concept of national security required consistent policies to be applied over many decades and suggested that looking ahead to the far horizon of the year 2000 could help to determine the long term basis of Canadian security and defense policy.3 Whilst articulating why all out thermonuclear war was unlikely, Sutherland still presented an essentially Hobbesian view of the international system, contending that The game of power politics has been going on since the dawn of history and as such a peaceful world order would not be achieved by the start of the next millennium. Despite these uncertainties, Sutherland posited that there were certain invariants in Canadas strategic situation relat...

Woodrow Wilsons 14 Points Speech

Woodrow Wilsons 14 Points Speech On Jan. 8, 1918, President Woodrow Wilson stood in front of a joint session of Congress and gave a speech known as The Fourteen Points. At the time, the world was embroiled in the First World War and Wilson was hoping to find a way to not only end the war peacefully but to ensure it never would  happen again. A Policy of Self-Determination Today and then, Woodrow Wilson is viewed as both a highly intelligent president and a hopeless idealist. The Fourteen Points speech was in part based on Wilsons own diplomatic leanings, but also written with the research assistance of his secret panel of experts known as The Inquiry. These men included the likes of crusading journalist Walter Lippman and several distinguished historians, geographers, and political scientists. The Inquiry was led by presidential advisor Edward House and assembled in 1917 to help Wilson prepare to start negotiations to end World War I. Much of the intent of Wilsons Fourteen Points speech was to oversee the breakup of the Austro-Hungarian empire, set out the overarching rules of behavior, and ensure that the United States would only play a minor role in the reconstruction. Wilson considered self-determination a crucial part of the successful establishment of the disparate states in the aftermath of the war. At the same time, Wilson himself recognized the inherent danger in creating states whose populations were ethnically divided. Returning Alsace-Lorraine to France, and restoring Belgium were relatively straightforward. But what to do about Serbia, with a major percentage of the non-Serbian population? How could Poland have access to the sea without including territories owned by ethnic Germans? How can Czechoslovakia include three million ethnic Germans in Bohemia? The decisions that were made by Wilson and The Inquiry did not resolve those conflicts, although it is likely that Wilsons 14th point creating a League of Nations, was proffered in an attempt to build infrastructure to resolve those conflicts going forward. But the same dilemma exists unresolved today: How to safely balance self-determination and ethnic disparity? Summary of the Fourteen Points Since many of the countries involved in WWI had been drawn into it to honor long-standing, private alliances, Wilson asked that there be no more secret alliances (Point 1). And since the United States had specifically entered the war because of Germanys announcement of unlimited submarine warfare, Wilson advocated for the open use of the seas (Point 2). Wilson also proposed open trade between countries (Point 3) and the reduction of armaments (Point 4). Point 5 addressed the needs of colonial peoples and Points 6 through 13 discussed specific land claims per country. Point 14 was the most important on Woodrow Wilsons list; it advocated for an international organization to be established that would be responsible for helping to keep peace among the nations. This organization was later established and called the League of Nations. Reception Wilsons speech was well received in the United States, with some notable exceptions, including former president Theodore Roosevelt, who described it as both high-sounding and meaningless. The Fourteen Points were accepted by the Allied Powers, as well as by Germany and Austria as the basis for peace negotiations. The only covenant of the League of Nations that was totally rejected by the allies was a provision pledging the members of the league to ensure religious freedom. However, Wilson became physically ill at the start of the Paris Peace Conference, and French Prime Minister Georges Clemenceau was able to advance his own countrys demands beyond what was laid out in the 14 Points speech. The differences between the Fourteen Points and the resulting Treaty of Versailles raised great anger in Germany, leading to the rise of National Socialism, and ultimately the Second World War. The Full Text of Woodrow Wilsons 14 Points Speech Gentlemen of the Congress: Once more, as repeatedly before, the spokesmen of the Central Empires have indicated their desire to discuss the objects of the war and the possible basis of a general peace. Parleys have been in progress at Brest-Litovsk between Russsian representatives and representatives of the Central Powers to which the attention of all the belligerents have been invited for the purpose of ascertaining whether it may be possible to extend these parleys into a general conference with regard to terms of peace and settlement. The Russian representatives presented not only a perfectly definite statement of the principles upon which they would be willing to conclude peace but also an equally definite program of the concrete application of those principles. The representatives of the Central Powers, on their part, presented an outline of settlement which, if much less definite, seemed susceptible of liberal interpretation until their specific program of practical terms was added. That program proposed no concessions at all either to the sovereignty of Russia or to the preferences of the populations with whose fortunes it dealt, but meant, in a word, that the Central Empires were to keep every foot of territory their armed forces had occupied- every province, every city, every point of vantage- as a permanent addition to their territories and their power. Russian-Led Negotiations It is a reasonable conjecture that the general principles of settlement which they at first suggested originated with the more liberal statesmen of Germany and Austria, the men who have begun to feel the force of their own peoples thought and purpose, while the concrete terms of actual settlement came from the military leaders who have no thought but to keep what they have got. The negotiations have been broken off. The Russian representatives were sincere and in earnest. They cannot entertain such proposals of conquest and domination. The whole incident is full of significances. It is also full of perplexity. With whom are the Russian representatives dealing? For whom are the representatives of the Central Empires speaking? Are they speaking for the majorities of their respective parliaments or for the minority parties, that military and imperialistic minority which has so far dominated their whole policy and controlled the affairs of Turkey and of the Balkan states which have felt obliged to become their associates in this war? The Russian representatives have insisted, very justly, very wisely, and in the true spirit of modern democracy, that the conferences they have been holding with the Teutonic and Turkish statesmen should be held within open, not closed, doors, and all the world has been the audience, as was desired. To whom have we been listening, then? To those who speak the spirit and intention of the resolutions of the German Reichstag of the 9th of July last, the spirit and intention of the Liberal leaders and parties of Germany, or to those who resist and defy that spirit and intention and insist upon conquest and subjugation? Or are we listening, in fact, to both, unreconciled and in open and hopeless contradiction? These are very serious and pregnant questions. Upon the answer to them depends the peace of the world. The Challenge of Brest-Litovsk But, whatever the results of the parleys at Brest-Litovsk, whatever the confusions of counsel and of purpose in the utterances of the spokesmen of the Central Empires, they have again attempted to acquaint the world with their objects in the war and have again challenged their adversaries to say what their objects are and what sort of settlement they would deem just and satisfactory. There is no good reason why that challenge should not be responded to and responded to with the utmost candor. We did not wait for it. Not once, but again and again, we have laid our whole thought and purpose before the world, not in general terms only, but each time with sufficient definition to make it clear what sort of definite terms of settlement must necessarily spring out of them. Within the last week, Mr. Lloyd George has spoken with admirable candor and in admirable spirit for the people and Government of Great Britain. There is no confusion of counsel among the adversaries of the Central Powers, no uncertainty of principle, no vagueness of detail. The only secrecy of counsel, the only lack of fearless frankness, the only failure to make a definite statement of the objects of the war, lies with Germany and her allies. The issues of life and death hang upon these definitions. No statesman who has the least conception of his responsibility ought for a moment to permit himself to continue this tragical and appalling outpouring of blood and treasure unless he is sure beyond a peradventure that the objects of the vital sacrifice are part and parcel of the very life of Society and that the people for whom he speaks think them right and imperative as he does. Defining Principles of Self-Determination There is, moreover, a voice calling for these definitions of principle and of purpose which is, it seems to me, more thrilling and more compelling than any of the many moving voices with which the troubled air of the world is filled. It is the voice of the Russian people. They are prostrate and all but hopeless, it would seem, before the grim power of Germany, which has hitherto known no relenting and no pity. Their power, apparently, is shattered. And yet their soul is not subservient. They will not yield either in principle or in action. Their conception of what is right, of what is humane and honorable for them to accept, has been stated with a frankness, a largeness of view, a generosity of spirit, and a universal human sympathy which must challenge the admiration of every friend of mankind; and they have refused to compound their ideals or desert others that they themselves may be safe. They call to us to say what it is that we desire, in what, if in anything, our purpose and our spirit differ from theirs; and I believe that the people of the United States would wish me to respond, with utter simplicity and frankness. Whether their present leaders, believe it or not, it is our heartfelt desire and hopes that some way may be opened whereby we may be privileged to assist the people of Russia to attain their utmost hope of liberty and ordered peace. The Processes of Peace It will be our wish and purpose that the processes of peace, when they are begun, shall be absolutely open and that they shall involve and permit henceforth no secret understandings of any kind. The day of conquest and aggrandizement is gone by; so is also the day of secret covenants entered into in the interest of particular governments and likely at some unlooked-for moment to upset the peace of the world. It is this happy fact, now clear to the view of every public man whose thoughts do not still linger in an age that is dead and gone, which makes it possible for every nation whose purposes are consistent with justice and the peace of the world to avow nor or at any other time the objects it has in view. We entered this war because violations of right had occurred which touched us to the quick and made the life of our own people impossible unless they were corrected and the world secure once for all against their recurrence. What we demand in this war, therefore, is nothing peculiar to ourselves. It is that the world be made fit and safe to live in; and particularly that it be made safe for every peace-loving nation which, like our own, wishes to live its own life, determine its own institutions, be assured of justice and fair dealing by the other peoples of the world as against force and selfish aggression. All the peoples of the world are in effect partners in this interest, and for our own part, we see very clearly that unless justice be done to others it will not be done to us. The program of the worlds peace, therefore, is our program; and that program, the only possible program, as we see it, is this: The Fourteen Points I. Open covenants of peace, openly arrived at, after which there shall be no private international understandings of any kind but diplomacy shall proceed always frankly and in the public view. II. Absolute freedom of navigation upon the seas, outside territorial waters, alike in peace and in war, except as the seas may be closed in whole or in part by international action for the enforcement of international covenants. III. The removal, so far as possible, of all economic barriers and the establishment of an equality of trade conditions among all the nations consenting to the peace and associating themselves for its maintenance. IV. Adequate guarantees given and taken that national armaments will be reduced to the lowest point consistent with domestic safety. V. A free, open-minded, and absolutely impartial adjustment of all colonial claims, based upon a strict observance of the principle that in determining all such questions of sovereignty the interests of the populations concerned must have equal weight with the equitable claims of the government whose title is to be determined. VI. The evacuation of all Russian territory and such a settlement of all questions affecting Russia as will secure the best and freest cooperation of the other nations of the world in obtaining for her an unhampered and unembarrassed opportunity for the independent determination of her own political development and national policy and assure her of a sincere welcome into the society of free nations under institutions of her own choosing; and, more than a welcome, assistance also of every kind that she may need and may herself desire. The treatment accorded Russia by her sister nations in the months to come will be the acid test of their good will, of their comprehension of her needs as distinguished from their own interests, and of their intelligent and unselfish sympathy. VII. Belgium, the whole world will agree, must be evacuated and restored, without any attempt to limit the sovereignty which she enjoys in common with all other free nations. No other single act will serve as this will serve to restore confidence among the nations in the laws which they have themselves set and determined for the government of their relations with one another. Without this healing act, the whole structure and validity of international law is forever impaired. VIII. All French territory should be freed and the invaded portions restored, and the wrong done to France by Prussia in 1871 in the matter of Alsace-Lorraine, which has unsettled the peace of the world for nearly fifty years, should be righted, in order that peace may once more be made secure in the interest of all. IX. A readjustment of the frontiers of Italy should be effected along clearly recognizable lines of nationality. X. The peoples of Austria-Hungary, whose place among the nations we wish to see safeguarded and assured, should be accorded the freest opportunity to autonomous development. XI. Rumania, Serbia, and Montenegro should be evacuated; occupied territories restored; Serbia accorded free and secure access to the sea; and the relations of the several Balkan states to one another determined by friendly counsel along historically established lines of allegiance and nationality; and international guarantees of the political and economic independence and territorial integrity of the several Balkan states should be entered into. XII. The Turkish portion of the present Ottoman Empire should be assured a secure sovereignty, but the other nationalities which are now under Turkish rule should be assured an undoubted security of life and an absolutely unmolested opportunity of autonomous development, and the Dardanelles should be permanently opened as a free passage to the ships and commerce of all nations under international guarantees. XIII. An independent Polish state should be erected which should include the territories inhabited by indisputably Polish populations, which should be assured a free and secure access to the sea, and whose political and economic independence and territorial integrity should be guaranteed by international covenant. XIV. A general association of nations must be formed under specific covenants for the purpose of affording mutual guarantees of political independence and territorial integrity to great and small states alike. Righting Wrongs In regard to these essential rectifications of wrong and assertions of right, we feel ourselves to be intimate partners of all the governments and peoples associated together against the Imperialists. We cannot be separated in interest or divided in purpose. We stand together until the end. For such arrangements and covenants, we are willing to fight and to continue to fight until they are achieved; but only because we wish the right to prevail and desire a just and stable peace such as can be secured only by removing the chief provocations to war, which this program does remove. We have no jealousy of German greatness, and there is nothing in this program that impairs it. We grudge her no achievement or distinction of learning or of pacific enterprise such as have made her record very bright and very enviable. We do not wish to injure her or to block in any way her legitimate influence or power. We do not wish to fight her either with arms or with hostile arrangements of trade if sh e is willing to associate herself with us and the other peace-loving nations of the world in covenants of justice and law and fair dealing. We wish her only to accept a place of equality among the peoples of the world,- the new world in which we now live,- instead of a place of mastery. Neither do we presume to suggest to her any alteration or modification of her institutions. But it is necessary, we must frankly say, and necessary as a preliminary to any intelligent dealings with her on our part, that we should know whom her spokesmen speak for when they speak to us, whether for the Reichstag majority or for the military party and the men whose creed is imperial domination. Justice to All People and Nationalities We have spoken now, surely, in terms too concrete to admit of any further doubt or question. An evident principle runs through the whole program I have outlined. It is the principle of justice to all peoples and nationalities, and their right to live on equal terms of liberty and safety with one another, whether they be strong or weak. Unless this principle be made its foundation no part of the structure of international justice can stand. The people of the United States could act upon no other principle; and to the vindication of this principle, they are ready to devote their lives, their honor, and everything they possess. The moral climax of this the culminating and final war for human liberty has come, and they are ready to put their own strength, their own highest purpose, their own integrity and devotion to the test. Sources: Chace, James. The Wilsonian Moment? The Wilson Quarterly (1976-) 25.4 (2001): 34-41. Print. Jacobson, Harold K. Structuring the Global System: American Contributions to International Organization. The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 428 (1976): 77-90. Print. Lynch, Allen. Woodrow Wilson and the Principle of National Self-Determination: A Reconsideration. Review of International Studies 28.2 (2002): 419-36. Print. Tucker, Robert W. Woodrow Wilsons New Diplomacy. World Policy Journal 21.2 (2004): 92-107. Print.

Fuel Cells Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Fuel Cells - Essay Example The fuel cell is designed such that a proton-conducting polymer membrane separates the anode and the cathode. On the anode electrode, hydrogen diffuses to the anode catalyst, and it later dissociates into protons and electrons. The protons will react with oxygen molecules at the cathode side, infusing via the polymer electrolyte membrane as well as the electrons coming through the outer circuit to make water molecules. The protons are conducted through the membrane to the cathode while the electrons travel through an external circuit since the covering is insulated electrically. The reaction on the cathode electrode involves oxygen molecules and both the electrons and the protons (Scherer 35). Phosphoric acid fuel cell In this type of cell, hydrogen ions are passed to the cathode using phosphoric acid. These cells usually work at moderate temperatures. The relatively high temperatures cause a heat and energy loss if the heat is not removed and properly used. The heat can be turned into a useful source of energy for air conditioners and other thermal energy consuming systems (Onovwiona ans Ugursal 389). This property makes the phosphoric acid fuel cell more useful and improves the efficiency to about 80%. The anode electrode in this cell uses a platinum catalyst that accelerates the conversion of hydrogen into free ions and electrons are produced (Scherer 34). The electrons travel from the anode to the cathode cell through an external electrical circuit since phosphoric acid is a non-conducting electrolyte.

Do violent video games cause behavior problems Essay

Do violent video games cause behavior problems - Essay Example This paper will analyze the studies that have been carried out and try to illustrate their connection with the proposed issue. There has been an ongoing controversy regarding the influence video games have on aggression. The term has been debated and widely discussed in scholarly literature. A study by Barbara investigated current knowledge on the matter by analyzing the theoretical explanations and empirical evidence related to the connection between aggressive behavior and violent video games (Krahe, n.p). It also analyzed the effects video games have on behaviors and cognitions. The article reviews cases when violent activities occurred after a view game experience. It also provides an analysis of experimental, longitudinal and meta analytic studies that were carried out. The study concludes that violent video games enhance one’s readiness in engagement of violent activities. Playing video games considered one of the numerous risks associated with aggression development (Krahe, n.p). The strength of this study lies in the fact that it utilized different experimental methods and a randomly sampled population to attain its results on behavioral changes after playing violent video games. Though experimental procedures were carried out appropriately to determine the above mentioned correlation, there are other aspects of violent behavior that may have been neglected by the experiments. For example, the individuals mood prior to the video games was not assessed and their social background and other influential factors on their behavior. Though video games may have some influence on an individual’s mood the study does not determine what extent the video game has to play on the development of aggressive behavior in the absence of other factors (Schulzke, 127-127). As mentioned above, there are several other studies that have been carried

The article The Mountain Man and American Anguish Essay Example for Free

The article The Mountain Man and American Anguish Essay In the article, The Mountain Man and American Anguish in the Journal of Popular Film Television, Patrick McCarthy reflects on movie production and the image of mountain men. Contrary to how mountain men are shown in contemporary American pop culture media, McCarthy claims that there is a greater connection between that period of time and the different cultural challenges we face today. Staying consistent to the tune of his article, McCarthy claims modern media has skewed the reality of the life of the mountain man. He disagrees with how modern American pop culture portrays the mountain man. McCarthy references movies including the â€Å"Adventures of Kit Carson† and â€Å"The Oregon Trail,† as well as other movies, all of which depict mountain men as uncouth ruffians lacking any form of human nature or any civilized attributes. He attempts to illustrate that the mountain men were actually a very real reflection of contemporary society, that is people overwhelmed by lack of any control of their lives or controlled by a sadistic pleasure in inflicting pain. According to McCarthy, many things contributed to these circumstances: remoteness, self debasement and other less than ideal conditions. It resembles current situations in which people feel the overpowering conviction that they are devoid of control over their own life and lack of liberty. The portrayal of mountain men in this fashion should convince contemporary society that finding solutions in adverse situations is within the power of any collective people. All that is necessary is determination and undying resilience. As far as can be ascertained from historical documents, mountain men demonstrated the necessary ability to carve out a living independent of outside help. In The Mountain Man and American Anguish, Patrick McCarthy reveals good insight but is not free from his share of imperfections. The article bases most of its argument on how todays film industry falsely portrays past and present cultures. The article utilizes popular culture to draw people down to earth, in respect to the vast value of how the American populace is viewed in a time of agony. The article has a limited review of the whole picture. It only reviews a limited amount of movies which is important to the picture Hollywood presents. the mountain man, it would be much better if the article  listed movies with a more accurate portrayal of mountain men. Works Cited McCarthy, Patrick. The Mountain Man and American Anguish. Journal of Popular Film

Iliad As A Dictate Of The Fath :: essays research papers

Iliad as a Dictate of the Father The Lion Gate is gnarling down at anyone trying to advance past its massive guard. Inside the fortress, mighty shields and glistening swords await the visitor’s arrival. Skillfully carved armor decorations proclaim great battles and fierce hunts. The prevailing warrior ethos and his manly power are apparent in each Mycenaean artifact. It is this strong patriarchal culture that gave birth to the creation of the Iliad. The respect that the father receives as the head of the family is made obvious in the legendary epic. Not only is the father the primary concern in the Iliad, but the heroic code is based on paternal injunction. That way the father determines the values and behavior of the heroes in the Iliad. Throughout the Iliad the warriors are identified by their genealogy. The first line begins, â€Å"Sing, goddess, the anger of Peleus’ son Achilleus†¦Ã¢â‚¬  (1, 1). With the opening we see how important the father’s name is in describing the identity of the hero. The same occurs in the lines to follow, â€Å"†¦Atreus’ son the lord of men†¦Ã¢â‚¬  (1, 7). In this line the name Agamemnon is not even mentioned, even though it introduces the hero for the first time. The fact that he is the son of Atreus provides enough information for the audience. Genealogy has the power to cease battle between enemies. Such is the case when Diomedes, challenged by Glaukos on the battlefield, questions him of his descent. After Glaukos has given the full story of his ancestry, Diomedes realizes that their grandfathers have been friends and proposes a truce. "See now, you are my guest friend from far in the time of our fathers./ Brilliant Oineus once was host to Bellerophontes/ the blameless, in his halls, and twenty days he detained him,/ and these two gave to each other fine gifts in token of friendship. /†¦Therefore I am your friend and host in the heart of Argos;/ you are mine in Lykia, when I come to your country./ Let us avoid each other’s spears, even in the close fighting./ †¦But let us exchange our armour, so that these others may know/ how we claim to be guests and friends from the days of our fathers" (6, 215-231). Glaukos and Diomedes must continue the ties of friendship their forefathers once had, if they are to adhere to the heroic code. The warrior comes after the king in the Dumezil social structure. Iliad As A Dictate Of The Fath :: essays research papers Iliad as a Dictate of the Father The Lion Gate is gnarling down at anyone trying to advance past its massive guard. Inside the fortress, mighty shields and glistening swords await the visitor’s arrival. Skillfully carved armor decorations proclaim great battles and fierce hunts. The prevailing warrior ethos and his manly power are apparent in each Mycenaean artifact. It is this strong patriarchal culture that gave birth to the creation of the Iliad. The respect that the father receives as the head of the family is made obvious in the legendary epic. Not only is the father the primary concern in the Iliad, but the heroic code is based on paternal injunction. That way the father determines the values and behavior of the heroes in the Iliad. Throughout the Iliad the warriors are identified by their genealogy. The first line begins, â€Å"Sing, goddess, the anger of Peleus’ son Achilleus†¦Ã¢â‚¬  (1, 1). With the opening we see how important the father’s name is in describing the identity of the hero. The same occurs in the lines to follow, â€Å"†¦Atreus’ son the lord of men†¦Ã¢â‚¬  (1, 7). In this line the name Agamemnon is not even mentioned, even though it introduces the hero for the first time. The fact that he is the son of Atreus provides enough information for the audience. Genealogy has the power to cease battle between enemies. Such is the case when Diomedes, challenged by Glaukos on the battlefield, questions him of his descent. After Glaukos has given the full story of his ancestry, Diomedes realizes that their grandfathers have been friends and proposes a truce. "See now, you are my guest friend from far in the time of our fathers./ Brilliant Oineus once was host to Bellerophontes/ the blameless, in his halls, and twenty days he detained him,/ and these two gave to each other fine gifts in token of friendship. /†¦Therefore I am your friend and host in the heart of Argos;/ you are mine in Lykia, when I come to your country./ Let us avoid each other’s spears, even in the close fighting./ †¦But let us exchange our armour, so that these others may know/ how we claim to be guests and friends from the days of our fathers" (6, 215-231). Glaukos and Diomedes must continue the ties of friendship their forefathers once had, if they are to adhere to the heroic code. The warrior comes after the king in the Dumezil social structure.

Ethical Issues in Oroonoko: Slavery

For years, man has illustrated his willingness to perform injustices to those weaker than he. From the bully in the schoolyard, to the king and his court, it seems that man has a desire to control and dominate others. Oroonoko, by Aphra Behn, illustrates that slavery is unethical, humiliating, demoralizing, and worse than death. Oroonoko is a powerful story about the tribulations of a gallant prince named Oroonoko. Throughout the novel, he is shown to be a brave prince and a friend to many. He is given command over an army and shows his military and strategical prowess by winning his battles and conquering his enemies. In the beginning of the novel, the prince presents Imoinda, the daughter of his foster father, with a gift of slaves that had been captured in his victorious battles. For Oroonoko, slavery was accepted and part of his daily life. However, in the novel, Behn presents slavery as a controversial and central issue towards the downfall of Oroonoko. Is it ethical to enslave another human and own them like a piece of property? What does the novel say about an issue such as slavery? The book, in fact, condemns this type of horrific behavior. She illustrates this issue by showing that slavery is demoralizing and humiliating to the people who are involuntary subjected to this kind of torment. In the beginning of the story, Behn describes the native people of Surinam, a colony in the West Indies, as beautiful, respectable, and friendly. Behn says, â€Å"for those we live with in perfect amity, without daring to command ‘em; but, on the contrary, caress ‘em with all the brotherly and friendly affection in the world. † The natives are very useful to immigrants who came from other areas of the world into Surinam. Behn thought of them as being helpful because she could learn their culture and their everyday style of life. Behn finds it, â€Å"Necessary to caress ‘em as friends, and not to treat ‘em as slaves. † Here, Behn says that treating the people of Surinam as slaves is improper and immoral. She says that friends should not be enslaved because they are helpful and caring. Through this effect, Behn considers slavery as an unethical issue. In the novel, Behn displays slavery as an issue that is associated with misery and torment. This occurs when the prince encounters the English captain who deceitfully places Oroonoko and others in captivity. Oroonoko is portrayed in a state of suffering when he is enslaved, â€Å"We were no sooner arrived but we went up to the plantation to see Caesar; whom we found in a very miserable and unexpressable condition; and I have a thousand times admired how he lived in so much tormenting pain protesting our innocency of the fact, and our abhorrence of such cruelties. † While Oroonoko is at the plantation, his attitude is different from when he was the commander of the army. He is miserable, sad, and in a position with less power than he had before. In conjunction with the misery that is involved with slavery, the actions that coincide with a slave such as whippings are also condemned in the novel, â€Å"No, I would not kill myself, even after a whipping, but will be content to live with that infamy, and be pointed at by every grinning slave. † Behn depicts a slave as someone one who is mentally and physically humiliated. In general, public humiliation is and torment is an unethical issue and Behn’s portrayal of misery, humility, and torment proves that slavery is immoral Oroonoko. In Oroonoko, Behn creates a mindset that favors death over slavery. One situation in the novel where slavery is condemned is when the king threatens to send Imoinda off to another country to be sold as slaves. â€Å"He ought to have had so much value and consideration for a maid of her quality as to have nobly put her to death, and not to have sold her like a common slave; the greatest revenge, and the most disgraceful of any, and to which they a thousand times prefer death. † She states that slavery is the perfect revenge against someone who has deceived another. The king orders, that â€Å"they should be both sold off as slaves to another country, either Christian or heathen, ’twas no matter where. This cruel sentence, worse than death, they implored might be reversed. † After constantly repeating the idea of someone preferring death many times over slavery in the novel, Behn shows the reader that slavery is unethical. In conclusion, Behn shows that enslaving a friend is wrong, and that slavery brings about humiliation, torture, and grief. Behn uses the morbid effects of slavery to the extent when she categorizes slavery as being many times worse than death. Using these techniques, Behn gives an immoral connotation to slavery in Oroonoko.